“‘Queer’ not as being about who you’re having sex with (that can be a dimension of it); but ‘queer’ as being about the self that is at odds with everything around it and that has to invent and create and find a place to speak and to thrive and to live.”
– bell hooks
What Would Liberation Mean?
The movement for LGBTQIA+ Rights in India and beyond has grounded itself in the rhetoric of queer liberation. But is this a hollow rhetoric? In a year when we are observing the 10th Anniversary of NALSA v. Union of India [“NALSA”], it may be appropriate to question and revise what we mean by “queer liberation.” True liberation is impossible without recognition of two ineluctable reimaginations: first, that the movement must not merely aim at carving out space within heteronormative contexts but take a more radical stance of reshaping the status quo, and second, that the movement must be inevitably intersectional.
The first point is driven home by Judith Butler who said that queerness was to be seen as a rejection of a “here and now” and an insistence on the potentiality or a concrete possibility for “another world.” The second is based on the fact that there is an inherent stratification within the umbrella of queerness: between the upper-castes and the so-called lower-castes (and consequently, class as well), as well as between cisgender and transgender queer persons. These different constituencies face different kinds and disparate extents of marginalization, and the queer movement accords to them different levels of attention (which for any movement is a scarce resource).
Without this context, we cannot understand the complex terrain of transgender rights in India, which though legally guaranteed as envisaged in NALSA, remain paper claims because of the invisibility of the transgender question in the discourse for LGBTQIA+ rights. With Project Saahas, we aim to bring this question to the fore and encourage discourse on the inadequacy of welfare schemes and the inaction on horizontal reservation for Transgender Persons, and further, legally empower them with our efforts.
Workshop on Transgender Rights
The Committee conducted a workshop on transgender rights in collaboration with Sambhali Trust, which through its Garima Project has been furthering the cause of LGBTQIA+ Rights in Jodhpur. The aim of this session, conducted on 20th January 2024, was to disseminate awareness about the legal rights and entitlements of transgender citizens as well as the Central and State-level Schemes and also understand the issues faced by them. The session was delayed as transwomen who were invited live on the outskirts of the city – cut off from the mainstream.
The members were to discuss the rights of transgender persons under Part III of the Constitution of India, the Transgender Persons (Protection of Rights) Act, 2019 [“the Act”] and the rules made under the Act in 2020. But rather than us giving a lecture, the session turned into a conversation on how the law that is supposed to emancipate, is ineffective and alien. Kanta Bua, who is the guru of the local community intervened to address how their lived experiences are inconsistent with any apparent progress on the legal front.
One of the transwomen outrightly rejected the imposition of the label “transgender” – urging for the government to recognize her as not a “third” category but as an individual with the right to self-perceived gender identity. This not only highlights the limitation of importing non-indigenous labels for queer persons in India (who have preserved their historic culture and prefer using the terms, inter alia, Kinnar, Hijra, Kothi, Aravani and Khwajasira) but also highlights the inherent flaw in the Transgender Persons (Protection of Rights) Act, 2019 which denies the right to self-identify without surgical intervention.
They told us harrowing stories of verbal abuse and outright violence by doctors in government hospitals, as well as discrimination in public spaces – from temples to government offices. For instance, ahead of the recently concluded 2023 Rajasthan State Legislative Assembly elections, through an electoral awareness campaign, they could secure Voter ID Cards for almost all transgender persons but due to technical issues at the polling booth and apathy of governmental officials to assist them, they were disallowed from exercising their legal right to vote.
The session erupted with voices and opinions that questioned our understanding of queerness and the law. Does the law exist to protect us or further marginalize us? The 2020 Rules made under the Act mandate the State Government to constitute a Transgender Protection Cell in each district “to monitor cases of offences against transgender persons and to ensure timely registration, investigation and prosecution of such offences.” However, disconcertingly, according to them, the designated officer-in-charge in Jodhpur was herself unaware of her duties.
The issues that plague the progress of transgender rights in India are systematic and the flaw stems from the ineffective legal framework itself – which was formed without adequate consultation with the stakeholders and sans adherence to internationally recognized best practices and the Yogyakarta Principles.
The following discussion analyses the progress of transgender rights in India and their limits:
Constitutional Rights
The Supreme Court in the case of NALSA recognized for the first time the right to self-perceived gender identity, rooting it in the right to dignity, self-discrimination and bodily integrity. In NALSA, the Supreme Court directed the Indian Government to first, make provisions for legal recognition of ‘third gender’ in all documents, second, recognize third-gender persons as a ‘socially and educationally backward class of citizens’ entitled to reservations in educational institutions and public employment, and third, take steps to frame social welfare schemes for the community.
The NALSA judgement was a monumental achievement. However, the judgement has been criticized for being vague and extremely broad, leading to non-implementation of the legally binding directions issued under the judgement. The movement to secure horizontal reservations for transgender persons still goes on, ten years after the historic judgement.
In 2023, the apex court in the case of Supriyo Chakroborty v. Union of India went one step further and recognised the right to marry of transgender persons in heterosexual unions. The exclusion of queer people and transgender persons who are not in heterosexual relationships is evidence of a heteronormative and rejection of an intersectional lens.
Legal Rights in light of Transgender (Protection of Rights) Act, 2019
To formulate a legal framework within which demands for transgender rights could be made, the Transgender (Protection of Rights) Act, 2019 was promulgated. However, at the very outset, it was condemned for not taking into account the concerns and recommendations of the concerned stakeholders and not being referred to the Select Committee.
The Act defines a transgender person as one whose “gender does not match the gender assigned at birth. It includes trans-men and trans-women, persons with intersex variations, gender-queers, and persons with socio-cultural identities, such as kinnar and hijra.” The Act states that a certificate of identity designating one’s gender as “transgender” may be requested from the District Magistrate by a transgender person. Identity cards help in gaining access to a range of welfare schemes provided by the government. However, this very fundamental premise of the Act goes against the legally binding directive of NALSA which allowed trans-persons to self-identify their identity rather than it being contingent on any surgical intervention.
The Act prohibits the discrimination and recognizes criminal offences against a transgender person and, further guarantees right to residence, employment, education and healthcare for transgender persons. However, the penalties outlined in the Act for sexual abuse are far less severe than those for rape of a woman which strikes at Article 14 of the Constitution of India, guaranteeing the right to equality before law.
The Act necessitates the formation of a Transgender Protection Cell and a Transgender Welfare Board, however, these have not been constituted and even where they are set up – they remain fiscally and operationally ineffective.
Lastly, the Act completely ignores the question of providing reservation horizontal reservations as directed by the judgement.
Schemes by Government
The central government has launched the SMILE Scheme (Support for Marginalised Individuals for Livelihood and Enterprise) which focuses on rehabilitation, provision of medical facilities, counselling, education, skill development, economic linkages of transgender persons with the support of State Governments, Union Territories, Local Urban Bodies, Voluntary Organizations, Community Based Organizations (CBOs) or Institutions and others.
However, the progress under the scheme has been excruciatingly slow and no accountability mechanism has been fixed for the same. Through the scheme, the government also aimed to form Garima Grehs or Shelter Homes for destitute and abandoned transgender persons to provide them with basic amenities like shelter, food, and medical care. However, their situation remains a far cry from the present needs as they remain with inadequate funds, dilapidated buildings and paltry facilities. As recent as 2021, the Madras High Court also recommended that for the Garima Greh scheme to be a success, it should be extended to the entire LGBTQIA+ community and not just trans-persons.
Conclusion
Lawyers and law students have the responsibility of being the conscience-holders of our society – but even then we have limited capacities. In our conversation with transgender persons, we understood that without effective legal aid and cooperation from government officials, the stark realities of the marginalized would remain disconnected from the ivory towers where discourses of rights, reports and regulations happen. Our discussion did not have a conclusion – but that is the point. There can be no conclusion as the fight for transgender rights is a part of their quotidian existence and comes forth in their daily assertion to be themselves.
As Katyayani Sinha writes that “Queer communities continue to organise for their own emancipation and despite their vulnerability, queer visibility offers a public counter-narrative of resistance and survival against the brutalities of society and the state.” While hyper-visible in our public spaces – the transgender community has been invisibilised by our law and policy-makers. The community demands equal rights, affirmative action and heightened protection. It is time for all of us to rally behind them and contribute towards awareness and community-building. This will sow the seeds for queer liberation.

